Mostrando entradas con la etiqueta Federico Andahazi. Mostrar todas las entradas
Mostrando entradas con la etiqueta Federico Andahazi. Mostrar todas las entradas

The merciful women, Chapter 1 - Federico Andahazi



Texto en español "Las piadosas".

Traducido al inglés.

THE CLOUDS WERE BLACK CATHEDRALS, TALL and Gothic, about to topple at any moment on to the city of Geneva. Further away, on the far slopes of the Savoyard Alps, the storm was angrily whipping up the wind, unsettling the calm of Lake Leman. Trapped between the sky and the mountains, like a hunted animal, the lake fought back, kicking like a horse, clawing like a tiger and lashing out with its tail like a dragon. In a hidden opening between the rocks that sunk into the waters lay a small beach: barely a strip of sand in the shape of a crescent moon, waning with the rising tide and waxing with the ebb. On that stormy July afternoon of 1816, a small boat docked at the western tip of the beach, at the head of the pier stranded like a ghostly skeleton overflown by gulls. The first to disembark was a lame man, trying to keep his balance so as not to fall into the lashing waters whose fury shook the pier's weak structure. Once his feet touched the ground, the traveller grabbed on to one of the piles and held out a hand to help his companions disembark: first two women and then another man. The group started to walk along the pier towards dry land like a troop of clumsy but cheerful tightrope walkers, without waiting for the third man who had been left to manage, not without difficulty, on his own. They walked in single file against the wind and up the slope until they arrived, sodden, merry and out of breath, at the Villa Diodati, the house on the top of a small cliff. The third man trotted along with short, quick steps, glum and not lifting his eyes, like a dog following his master's tracks. The women were Mary Wollstonecraft Godwin and her stepsister. Jane Clairmont. The former, in spite of being still unmarried, claimed the right to call her-self Shelley, the surmame of the man who was to be her husband; the latter, for reasons less well known, had renounced her given name and called herself Claire, The men were Lord Byron and Percy Bysshe Shelley. But none of these characters matters much in our story, except the man who disembarked last, and who was walking all on his own, far behind: John William Polidori, Lord Byron's obscure and despised secretary.
The events of that summer in the Villa Diodati are sufficiently well documented. Or at least some of them are. A stack of recently discovered letters may bring to light certain other events which have remained unknown until this day, concerning the life of Dr Polidori, the shadowy author of The Vampyre. And even more importantly, they may offer reasons for his tragic and early death. As everyone knows, The Vampyre is the first vampire story, the cornerstone of the countless succession of stories that have made vampire lore a true literary genre which peaked (at least as far as celebrity is concerned) with Bram Stoker‘s all-too-famous Count Dracula. But no vampire story exists that does not owe a debt of gratitude to the satanic Dr Ruthwen fathered by John Polidori. However, the events that surround the birth of The Vampyre appear to be as mysterious as the tale itself. It is a truism to say that there is nothing as open to doubt as paternity, and yet this truth can be extended quite naturally to all literary offspring. Even though repeated cases of plagiarism (accusations old and new, whether proven or imaginary) seem to be part of the history of literature since its very beginnings, the controversy over The Vampyre did not stem from copyright claims. On the contrary, for some strange reason, no one wished to claim as his or her own creation the evil creature that was to break new literary ground. The novella was published in 1819 under the name of Lord Byron, but here a paradox must be noted: while Byron accepted responsibility for the doubtful 'pregnancy' (so to speak) of Claire Clairmont, he furiously and vehemently rejected all responsibility for The Vampyre, placing the blame entirely on the shoulders of his secretary, John William Polidori. That is how the story was told. And yet a tale as dark as The Vampyre could not, of course, have had a birth less murky than its contents. We know that, after Polidori‘s death, a considerable number of letters, legal documents and other writings were found in the doctor‘s possession, which were to contribute various undesirable facts to the biographies of several illustrious persons who had every right in the world to wish upon themselves an undisturbed posterity. The correspondence in question is not new. Or rather, the absurd and scandalous controversies — juridical, scholarly and even political — to which these documents were subjected are well known to all. The arguments concerning their authenticity turned into something like a war. Expert opinions were published, as well as the results of calligraphy tests, ambiguous depositions of witnesses, and the indignant denials of those parties more or less implicated in the affair. But what was never, ever, made public was the contents of a single one of the letters, because - it was said - these perished in a fire that destroyed the archives of the court in 1824. All this was to be expected. But scandals, though giving the impression of being ubiquitous and everlasting, are often as fleeting as the time that separates one incident from the next, and they invariably end up buried under tons of paper and drowned in rivers of ink. The adamantine silence of all those involved, the progressive lack of interest of the public and, finally, the death of the main players relinquished into oblivion the controversial papers of which, it was said, nothing remained but ashes. The only document to survive was the no less dubious diary of John William Polidori. As the reader will no doubt have guessed, an inevitable ‘however' is forthcoming. Indeed, for entirely fortuitous reasons, some time ago I found myself in Copenhagen, where I was approached by a delightful character who intro-duced himself as the last of the teratologists, one of those commentators on ancient texts concerning monsters, a sort of archaeologist of horror, a researcher into whatever testi¬monies might have been left behind by the mythical tterators' in their dreadful sojourn on Earth. In a word, my acquaintance was a taxonomist of unique and fearful human prodigies. He was a pale, thin man, with the elegance of another age. Ours was a brief conversation on a premature Danish winter night, in the Norden Café across from the Stork Fountain, at the end of Klareboderne Street. He told me that he was aware of a recent article of mine on a subject dear to his heart, and he had felt impelled to swap titbits of scholarly information with me. Since what I could offer him was not much, I was forced to confess that I was little more than an amateur in teratological matters. He seemed surprised that, as a native of South America, I had not heard the theory that much of John William Polidori‘s corres-pondence had ended up in an old Buenos Aires mansion that had once belonged to a certain aristocratic family with distant British roots. My colourful acquaintance had never been to Buenos Aires and the information he had was scant and imprecise. Nevertheless, with merely his vague description of the house and its location ‘close to the House of Congress‘, I had no doubt about its identity, It was a dilapidated mansion which, through a curious coincidence, I knew well. Countless were the times I had crossed the threshold of this ancient house on Riobamba, whose vaguely Victorian architecture never fitted well with the features of Buenos Aires. I had always been surprised by the disproportionate palm tree that, in the very centre of the city, rose above its sinister garden walls, and by the wrought-iron fence, fierce and threatening, that guarded the patio, efficiently dissuading casual salesmen from venturing beyond the entrance. As soon as I returned to Buenos Aires, I repeated our conversation to my friend and colleague, Juan Jacobo Bajarlía (surely our most knowledgeable scholar in the realm of Gothic literature), and he immediately offered to be my Charon on the infernal journey which began at the gates of the house on Riobamba. Let me say at once that, thanks to his wit as a lawyer and his wiles as a writer, we reached, after seemingly endless enquiries, our desired goal. Having given my word to be discreet, I must not reveal any more details concerning the method by which we finally arrived at the alleged 'documents'. And if I protect myself behind the wary adjective 'alleged' and behind the cautious quotation marks of 'documents‘, I do it merely through a germine uncertainty: though I cannot swear that these papers were apocryphal, nor can I affirm that they were not, because, to tell the truth, I never even had the opportunity to hold them in my hands. During our meeting in the old house, I saw none of the original documents. Our host (whose identity I will not reveal) partly read out loud and partly glossed over the con-tents of numerous folders, consisting of practically illegible photocopies. The large dark basement in which we found ourselves could barely contain our amazement. Since we were not allowed to keep any material proof of these docu¬ments - neither a copy nor even a note - what follows is not a literal recollection but a laborious literary reconstruction of what we heard. The story that transpired from the succession of letters - fragments barely - is as fantastical as it is unexpected, suggesting that the facts concerning the origin of The Vampyre might lead to other incredible findings that would shed new light on the very notion of literary paternity. As far as I am concerned, the possible apocryphal nature of this correspondence is unimportant. Literature (it is sometimes necessary to resort to a platitude) has no other value than to be literary. Whoever may have been the author of the reconstructed tale that follows - whether protagonist, direct or indirect witness, or mere narrator — I have no doubt that the whole thing is but an infamous invention concocted by a monstrous mind: a mind whose rightful place in the realm of the grotesque I leave to those more versed than I in teratology. Concerning therefore the truth (and, even more, the verisimilitude) of the events I am about to reveal, I must subscribe to the words of Mary Shelley in her preface to Frankenstein: '1 shall not be supposed as according the remotest degree of serious faith to such an imagination; yet, in assuming it as the basis of a work of fancy, I have not considered myself as merely weaving a series of supernatural terrors.‘
Whatever the case may be, our story begins on the shores of Lake Leman in the European summer of 1816.

Federico Andahazi
Publicado en la página del autor.

The Century of Women (The anatomist) - Federico Andahazi


Texto en español "El siglo de las mujeres", de la novela "El anatomista".


Tradudido al inglés.

The sixteenth century was the century of women. The seed sowed a hundred years earlier by Christine de Pisan flowered throughout Europe with the sweet scent of The Sayinge of True Lovers. It is certainly not by chance that Mateo Colombo's discovery took place when and where it did. Until the sixteenth century, history had been recounted in a deep masculine voice. "Wherever one looks, there she is, always present; from the sixteenth to the eighteenth century, always on the domestic, economic, intellectual, and public stage, on the battlefront and in moments of private leisure, we find the Woman. Usually, she is busy at her daily tasks. But she is also present in the events that build, transform or tear apart society. From one end to the other of the social spectrum, she occupies all places and those who watch her constantly speak of her presence, often with fear," write Natalie Zemon and Arlette Farge in their History of Women.3
Mateo Colombo's discovery happens precisely when women, whose place had always been indoors, began to conquer, gradually and subtly, the world outside, emerging from behind the walls of convents and retreats, from whorehouses or from the warm but no less monastic sweetness of home. Timidly, woman dares argue with man. With some exaggeration, it has been said that the "battle of the sexes" begins in the sixteenth century. Whether this is true or not, this is the age in wich womanly matters become an acceptable subject for discussion among men.
Under these circumstances, what was Mateo Colombo‘s "America"? No doubt, the borders between discovery and invention are far more vague than they might seem at first glance. Mateo Colombo (the time has come to say it) discovered that which every man has dreamt of at some moment or other: the magic key that unlocks women's hearts, the secret that governs the mysterious driving force of female love; that which, from the beginnings of History, wizards and witches, shamans and alchemists, have sought by means of brews, all manner of herbs or through the favor of gods or demons; that which every man in love has always longed for, when wounded, through unkindness, by the object of his troubles and sorrows. And also, of course, that which is dreamt, of by kings and rulers in their sheer lust for omnipotence: namely, the instrument that subjugates the volatile female will. Mateo Colombo searched, traveled and finally found the "sweet land" he longed for: "the organ that governs the love of women." The Amor Veneris (such is the name the anatomist gave it, "if I may be allowed to give a name to the things by me discovered") was the true source of power over the slippery, shadowy free will of women. Certainly, such a finding had many serious consequences. "To what calamities would Christianity not be subjected it the female object of sin were to fall into the hands of the hosts of Satan?" the scandalized Doctors of the Church asked. "What would become of the profítable business of prostitution if any poor hunchback might obtain the love of the most expensive of courtesans?" asked the rich proprietors of the splendid Venetian brothels. And, worst of all, what would happen if the daughters of Eve were to discover that, between their legs, they carried the keys to both Heaven and Hell?
The discovery of Mateo Colombo's America was, all things considered, an epic counterpointed by an elegy. Mateo Colombo was as fierce and heartless as Christopher. Like Christopher (to use an appropriate metaphor) he was a brutal colonizer who claimed for himself all rights to the discovered land, the female body.
Beyond what Amor Veneris meant to society, another controversy was sparked by what it was really supposed to be. Did the organ discovered by Mateo Colombo actually exist? Perhaps this is a useless question wich must be replaced by another: did the Amor Veneris ever exist? Ultimately, things are nothing but the words that name them. Amor Veneris, vel Dulcedo Apeletur (the full name with which its discoverer christened the organ) had a strong heretical ring to it. The question of whether the Amor Veneris coincides with the less apostate and more neutral kleitoris ("tickling"), which alludes to effects rather than causes, is one that would later concern historians of the body. The Amor Veneris existed for reasons other than anatomical; it existed not only because it inaugurated a New Woman but also because it sparked a tragedy.
What follows is the story of a discovery.
What follows is the chronicle of a tragedy.

The Dawn of Observation (The anatomist) - Federico Andahazi



Texto en español
"La primera mirada", de la novela "El anatomista".

Traducido al inglés.


"O my America, my new-found-land!" Mateo Renaldo Colombo (or Columbus, to give him his English name) might have written in his De re anatomica.1 Not a boastful cry like "Eureka!" but rather a mournful lament, a bitter parody of his own misadventures and misfortunes, compared to his Genoese namesake, Christopher. The same surmame and, perhaps, the same destiny. But they share no common blood and the death of one takes place barely ten years after the birth of the other. Mateo's America is less distant and infinitely smaller than Christopher's; in fact, it's not much larger than the head of a nail. And yet, it was to remain secreted away until the year of the death of its discoverer and, in spite of its insignificant size, its discovery was, equally momentous and disturbing.
It is the Age of the Renaissance. The verb is “To Discover”. It is the twilight of pure a priori speculation and the abuse of syllogisms, and the dawn of empiricism, of knowledge based on what can be seen. It is, quite precisely, the dawn of observation. Perhaps Francis Bacon in England and Campanella in the Kingdom of Naples chanced upon the fact that while scholastics were lost in syllogistic labyrinths, the illiterate Rodrigo de Triana was, at the same time, shouting "Land!" and, without knowing it, heralding in a new philosophy based on observation. Scholasticism (as the Church had finally understood) was not profitable enough or, at least seemed less useful than the sale of indulgences, ever since God had decided to soak money out of sinners.
The new science is good as long as it helps to bring in gold. It is good as long as it doesn't contradict the truth of Holy Writ or, what is even more important, a magistrate‘s writ of property. Just as the sun no longer spun its path around the Earth (something which obviously didn't stop happening from one moment to the next), geometry had begun to chafe against the confines of its own paper landscape and had set off to colonize the three-dimensional space of topology. Thi is the greatest achievement of Renaissance painting; if Nature is written in mathematical characters (as Galileo says), painting must be the source of a new vision of Nature. The Vatican frescoes are a mathematical epic: witness, the conceptual abyss that separates Lorenzo de Monaco's Nativity from The Triumph of the Cross over the apse of the Capella della Pieta. For similar reasons, not a single map is left unchanged. The cartography of Heaven changes as well as that of Earth and that of the body. Here now are the anatomical maps that have become the new navigational charts of surgery. And thus we return to our Mateo Colombo.
Encouraged perhaps by the fact of sharing a name with the Genoese admiral. Mateo Colombo decided that his destiny, too, was to discover. And so he set off to sea. Of course, his waters were not those of his namesake. He was the greatest anatomical explorer of his time; among his more modest discoveries is nothing less than the circulation of the blood, anticipating by half a century the Englishman Harvey's demonstration in De motus cordes et sanguinis. And yet, even this astonishing discovery is of little importance compared to his America.
The fact is that Mateo Colombo was never able to see his discovery in print, since his book was not allowed to appear until the very year of his death, in 1559. One had to be careful with the Doctors of the Church. The cautionary examples are almost too numerous. Three years earlier, Lucio Vanini "chose" to be burned by the Inquisition in spite of (or because of) his statement declaring that he
would not give his opinion on the immortality of the soul until he became "old, rich and German-.”2 And certainly Mateo Colombo's discovery was far more dangerous than Lucio Vanini's opinion—even without considering the aversion our anatomist felt toward fire and the stench of burnt flesh. above all if the flesh was his own.



Federico Andahazi
Publicado en la página del autor.